“Pemex contamina agua y mata reses en Jalpan y Xicotepec”, 25 de Abril de 2017 ….Más de una decena de pozos y arroyos que desembocan en el río San Marcos han sido contaminados por un “constante” derrame de gasolina que se registra desde noviembre pasado en el ducto Poza Rica-Salamanca a la altura de los poblados de La Cuchilla en Jalpan y El Tepetate, en Xicotepec, ante la negligencia de personal del Sector Catalina de Pemex que a la fecha se ha negado a reparar la tubería y remediar los daños, denunciaron afectados. El agua de estas afluentes sirven para el consumo humano, ya que abastecen a los habitantes de ambas comunidades y también sirve a algunos ranchos ganaderos…[Y]a han muerto 10 reses que han consumido el líquido…Aunque desconoce la cantidad de combustible que se ha derramado…[ganadero] señaló que ya presentó una denuncia ante la Procuraduría Federal de Protección al Ambiente (Profepa) para que inicie un procedimiento contra Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex)…

“Comunidad amenazada por una presa lanza un llamado a la ONU y a las organizaciones internacionales”, 21 de Abril de 2017 Miembros del grupo indígena Ngäbe-Buglé conocido como Movimiento 10 de Abril (M10), hicieron el miércoles un llamado a la comunidad internacional, pidiendo una intervención para impedir que sus comunidades sean inundadas por la represa hidroeléctrica Barro Blanco.Citaron una declaración de impacto ambiental que no reconoció la presencia de las tres comunidades que serían inundadas por el proyecto, así como irregularidades en un acuerdo…Comunicado a la Nación del Movimiento 10 de abril sobre la hidroeléctrica Barro Blanco:…Hacemos un llamado urgente a la organización solidaria nacional e internacional y a las Naciones Unidas para que intervengan para proteger nuestros derechos como pueblos más vulnerables a una merecida justicia en la República de Panamá…

 “Ropa transparente y justa: deseos a los cuatro años del derrumbe de los talleres del Rana Plaza” …El 24 de abril de 2013 se desplomó el edificio Rana Plaza de Dacca, la capital de Bangladés. Esta rotura de cimientos se saldó con 1.134 muertes, unos 2.000 heridos y la certeza de que la ropa que viste a Occidente esconde explotación e inseguridad laboral. En el aniversario de la tragedia, organismos como Human Rights Watch (HRW) o Oxfam Intermón exigen transparencia a las marcas y estrechar los márgenes salariales que conducen a la desigualdad…La deslocalización y la subcontratación de servicios añaden peldaños a la línea de control empresarial. Y si se endurece la inspección en uno, se traslada a otro…¿Ha cambiado esto en el último lustro? Según el documento de HRW Siguiendo el hilo: la necesidad de transparencia en la cadena de suministro de la industria de la indumentaria y el calzado, que insta a las empresas del sector a entregar información sobre las actividades corporativas, a finales de 2016 al menos 29 empresas habían facilitado datos sobre la elaboración de sus productos…HRW se puso en contacto con 72 empresas (13 de ellas, líderes) y afirma que 17 estarán cumpliendo con los estándares mínimos para finales de 2017…Entre las que se han responsabilizado a publicar información…están, por niveles, Adidas, C&A, Nike o Levis (las que lo cumplen totalmente), Columbia o Benetton (en “la dirección correcta”); Mizumo y Abercrombie&Fitch (“pasos modestos”) y Primark, Carrefour, Desigual o Hugo Boss (ningún compromiso)…A esta campaña se le ha sumado otra. Oxfam Intermón ha redactado un informe sobre la situación alcanzada en este tiempo y sobre la necesidad de un comercio justo…Creative Handicrafts y otras asociaciones de fabricación textil en el país asiático han empezado a emplear prácticas laborales justas y equitativas…

“Entre Ríos libre de fracking: ganamos una batalla” La Cámara de Diputados acaba de sancionar la ley que prohíbe el fracking en todo el territorio provincial. Luego de un trámite complicado, que se inició el año pasado con la aprobación de un texto contradictorio en esa misma cámara, y después de ser corregido por el Senado y devuelto a la cámara de origen, fue aprobado por unanimidad y será ley la prohibición de una actividad depredadora y altamente contaminante que el ex gobernador Urribarri (hoy presidente de la cámara aprobante) quiso impulsar de manera irresponsable en nuestra provincia…Desde mediados del año 2012…venimos luchando desde el Movimiento por ER Libre de Fracking para que se disponga esta prohibición. Se sumaron muchas organizaciones, movimientos y fuerzas políticas a este legítimo reclamo en defensa del agua, del ambiente y de la vida, y entre todos fuimos difundiendo los peligros que implicaba, alertando a la población, realizando múltiples eventos, recolección y presentación de miles de firmas, marchas, reclamos, charlas, talleres, y hasta una cumbre nacional e internacional que organizamos conjuntamente en la ciudad de Paraná el año 21015 (en el auditorio de nuestra Facultad), donde ocho precandidatos a gobernadores firmaron un compromiso público de que no permitirían el fracking en el territorio provincial.

“El Gobierno acreditó a diez empresas en responsabilidad social” – 24 de abril de 2017 En el marco del “Día de la Responsabilidad Social” celebrado en la Casa Rosada, la Subsecretaría de Responsabilidad Social del Ministerio de Desarrollo Social anunció a las primeras organizaciones y empresas que se integran al recién creado Registro Único de Organizaciones de Responsabilidad Social (RUORES)…[el cual] busca distinguir a empresas y ONG que trabajen en responsabilidad social para que alineen sus objetivos con los ODS. El registro tiene tres niveles (Mención, Reconocimiento y Acreditación) de acuerdo al nivel de desarrollo e importancia estratégica otorgada a la responsabilidad social en la misión de la organización…Las empresas que recibieron la Acreditación fueron: Holcim, Newsan, GIRE, Sancor Seguros, AYSA, Unilever, Mimo, Banco Galicia, Coca Cola Andina y Banco Macro. En la categoría Reconocimiento:  Fundacion Los Grobo, Ruta 40, Farmacity, Fundación Húesped, Fundación Discar. Con Mención quedaron: Axion Energy [y] IAE Business School…

Por poco menos de un siglo, una fundición ha arrojado nubes tóxicas llenas de metales pesados sobre la densamente poblada ciudad de La Oroya, en los Andes peruanos. Casi todos los habitantes de la ciudad tienen plomo y otros metales pesados envenenando sus cuerpos, y muchos otros sufren enfermedades respiratorias crónicas…De cumplirse las normas de salud internacionalmente aceptadas, las personas de La Oroya recibirían atención médica inmediata e intensiva. Pero la mayoría no la recibe y los que sí, no tienen el cuidado adecuado. Debido a que el plomo inhibe el desarrollo del cerebro, los niños y niñas de La Oroya están en la situación más vulnerable y es probable que estén afectados de por vida…Nuestra publicación de 2012, La Oroya No Puede Esperar, ayudó a poner en marcha la campaña internacional de largo alcance para salvar a La Oroya. Mediante difusión mediática y al brindar información legal y técnica, hemos instruido a entidades de gobierno y la comunidad afectada sobre la contaminación y los problemas de salud en la ciudad…A pesar de los llamados a la acción de tribunales nacionales y autoridades internacionales, las partes responsables —incluyendo el Gobierno peruano, Doe Run Perú y su empresa matriz, Grupo Renco de Estados Unidos— no han estado dispuestas a responder enérgicamente ni con la urgencia apropiada…

Apelando a argumentos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud y la Asociación Pediátrica de Estados Unidos, las ONG urgen al Estado peruano no incrementar los niveles de contaminación del aire; temen que esto beneficie la reapertura de la fundición metálica de Doe Run [parte de Renco] en La Oroya, pese a medidas cautelares de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos.

¿Qué entendemos por economía feminista? ¿Cuáles son las principales dimensiones e impactos del poder corporativo? ¿Qué aprendizajes podemos destacar de las resistencias feministas frente a las empresas transnacionales y los tratados de libre comercio? ¿Qué alternativas podemos poner en marcha para enfrentar el poder corporativo desde la defensa explícita de la vida?  Presentación completa del curso aquí>> Las organizaciones y movimientos de la sociedad civil están desarrollando nuevos discursos, iniciativas contrahegemónicas y propuestas de transición para avanzar hacia esos otros modelos que desplacen del centro a las Empresas transnacionales. Se trata de un curso gratuito de formación especializada online (e-learning) para alumnado de Bizkaia y de América Latina, que desarrollará la parte lectiva entre el 15 de mayo y el 2 de junio. Objetivos El objetivo de este curso es analizar y debatir las propuestas de movimientos y organizaciones sociales, y más específicamente del movimiento feminista para resistir y frenar los impactos de las multinacionales; pero también para la puesta en práctica de múltiples y diversas alternativas puestas en marcha tanto en nuestro entorno más cercano como en América Latina. Contenidos MÓDULO 1: ¿Qué es el poder corporativo? Principales dimensiones e impactos desde una perspectiva feminista Este primer bloque analiza las principales características de la economía feminista para a continuación abordar el papel del poder corporativo en la crisis global, analizando sus diferentes dimensiones (política, económica cultural y jurídica) y algunas de las principales experiencias de resistencias feministas frente al mismo en América Latina. 1.1. Economía feminista 1.2. ¿Qué es el poder corporativo? Caracterización y principales dimensiones 1.3. Resistencias feministas al poder corporativo en América Latina MÓDULO 2: Alternativas para desmantelar el poder corporativo El segundo bloque presenta algunas ideas-fuerza para enfrentar el poder corporativo desde la defensa explícita de la vida, estableciendo una serie de premisas que nos sugieren pautas para impulsar agendas alternativas en momento de cambio de paradigma. 2.1. Alternativas feministas al actual modelo de sociedad 2.2. Agenda marco para desmantelar el poder corporativo Inscripciones El curso es gratuito. Para inscribirte manda tus datos (nombre completo) y una breve presentación en relación a tus conocimientos sobre poder corporativo y si tienes experiencia en organizaciones sociales, políticas, ONGD, etc. (10 lineas máximo) a la siguiente dirección: beatriz.plaza@omal.info. La fecha límite es el 11 de mayo.  Inscripciones y más información aquí >>

“Ambientalistas ponen en duda consulta previa a indígenas” Algunos ambientalistas incluso la propia Gobernación ponen en duda la consulta ciudadana que el gobierno, a través de Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos YPFB y el Ministerio del ramo, efectúan en los pueblos indígenas para autorizar o no actividades hidrocarburíferas…“Las consultas ciudadanas se están convirtiendo en una pelea demasiado desigual, por un lado la comunidad pide respeto a su voz, su opinión y los recursos naturales en su zona, pero por el otro, al frente, están sentadas las autoridades”…El cuestionamiento es del director de la organización Nativa, Iván Arnold Torrez, al indicar que entre las autoridades están alcaldes, subgobernadores, viceministros, asesores, autoridades de la comunidad, hay una presión muy fuerte, declaró…El Secretario de Hidrocarburos de la Gobernación Freddy Castrillo Castrillo, consultado de si la consulta respecto del área hidrocarburífera “Jaguar”, en la provincia O’Connor de Tarija, fue adecuada y transparente, contestó…“Eso es lo que nosotros siempre ponemos en duda y en tela de juicio porque, así como en el caso de Tariquía, todo el proceso de consulta que llevaron adelante el Ministerio y YPFB, nunca fueron del todo transparente para nosotros”…

"…[A]ccording to a factory audit…G-III Apparel Group, which has held the exclusive license to make the Ivanka Trump brand’s…clothes…since 2012…Inspectors with the Fair Labor Association…found two dozen violations of international labor standards…Trump’s company declined to comment on the factory inspection. Messages left with G-III were not returned..."

Gregory Tzeutschler Regaignon, Research Director As shocking as Donald Trump’s election was to all of us who believe in human rights and social justice in the US and globally, and as weak as implementation of his agenda and his popularity have been in his first three months, it is dangerous to view his election, and his voters’ rejection of mainstream politics, as an isolated moment. Advocates for human rights, open government, and a more equal and fair society have been dismayed by many of the administration’s actions, including: an immigration and travel ban that courts have struck down as discriminatory the repeal of rules that restricted availability of government contracts for companies that violate labour rights the approval of oil pipelines that environmental groups fear will threaten water sources, disregarding indigenous rights and claims the reversal of policies to fight climate change the dismantling of mandates that companies report on their payments to foreign governments for oil, gas and mining operations, and on their actions to avoid “conflict minerals” in their supply chains On some issues, most notably the immigration ban and climate policies, many companies have stood for human rights and environmental justice, based on both their interests and their principles.  These are welcome voices for responsible policy, but they may risk ironically reinforcing populist and nationalist support for the administration that is based in disdain for elites and suspicion of corporate influence.  This danger is particularly high when companies speaking out are “gig economy” firms like Uber and Lyft, whose business model undermines workers’ rights and decent wages. And global companies like clothing giant VF Corp, who profit from trade policies that have driven down workers’ earnings, particularly among the less educated.  While we who advocate for human rights welcome support from the business community, ad hoc lip service without deeper engagement is both tactically and morally insufficient. Although it makes sense for business leaders to speak out on discrete issues where they have particular interest and leverage, they risk fueling a backlash if they do so without connecting to broad-based concerns about excessive corporate influence, low pay, inequality, and lack of economic security and opportunity. To avoid this, their actions must connect to and support movements for social change and political reform.  Three fundamental steps would show they are doing this:  Engage with and learn from social movements that have mobilised unprecedented broad support for inclusive prosperity and a healthy, open and fair society – such as Fight for 15, climate justice groups, civil liberties NGOs, and women’s march organisers – and enter into constructive dialogue about how business should evolve to advance their goals Empower employees to organise and speak out on social and environmental issues, and heed their voices, as Google did after thousands of its workers protested the Muslim immigration ban Join calls and actions for limits on corporate money and influence in politics – reflecting the 66% of small businesses who believe that unlimited corporate donations are bad for business – and adopt and support clear and strong conflict of interest and disclosure policies While we who advocate for human rights welcome support from the business community, ad hoc lip service without deeper engagement is both tactically and morally insufficient at a moment when all forms of justice faces such grave threats from nationalist and increasingly authoritarian government. .........................................   Golda S. Benjamin, Southeast Asia Researcher & Representative President Duterte’s war on drugs is dividing the Philippines on the spheres of policy, morality, and principles of law.  After numerous reports of killings and human rights violations, the question now is: how can the Philippines fight a war against drugs without sacrificing law and human rights?  The answers are difficult, especially in an environment where critics of the President’s crusade against drugs are aggressively dismissed. When the European Union raised its human rights concerns and mentioned the possibility of removing the Philippines’ trade preferences, Duterte simply told the EU to “mind their own business”.  After The New York Times published two articles and a video documentary, all critical of the drug war, palace officials accused it of doing a demolition job against a very popular president.    In this tense and criticism-averse national environment, civil society, government, and businesses all have serious and urgent roles to play.  It is critical for businesses to clearly and publicly send the message that their support of the war against drugs is conditioned on the respect for human rights and the rule of law.  For example, after donating to government, businesses must continuously monitor and audit the use of their funds to ensure that they go to rehabilitative programmes and facilities, and not to less-than-legitimate operations indiscriminately targeting alleged drug addicts. Businesses in the Philippines have been relatively quiet on the human rights concerns related to the war on drugs.  It is time for them to speak up.  If the business sector’s message on this issue is unclear, it would be very easy for rabid supporters of an all-out drug war, to launch a propaganda campaign claiming that even business actors are willing to sacrifice law and human rights in order to address the drug problem in the Philippines.  This need is especially urgent, as Duterte’s biggest supporters exploit his approval ratings to maintain the public’s unconditional support of his all-out war, and deflect accusations of authoritarian conduct. Businesses must also be vocal in taking a collective stand against unlawful and indiscriminate targeting of their workers who are accused of being drug addicts.  Philippine law gives businesses the right to conduct random drug testing for their workers.  In reminding government that this mechanism exists, businesses will be perfectly positioned to protect their workers and still tell government that they too are determined to keep work environments drug-free.  For civil society, we must help encourage and even pressure businesses to clarify their support of Duterte’s drug war.  Additionally, we need to use lawful mechanisms to exact accountability and transparency in the use of corporate funds to pursue the war on drugs.  Business and Human Rights Resource Centre can contribute by using our company response mechanism to invite businesses to provide clear statements communicating their demand for government to respect human rights in the war against drugs. It is also possible to use public fund accountability laws to trace where donated corporate funds go – to ensure that these are not used to promote serious human rights violations by government actors. Right now, businesses in the Philippines have been relatively quiet on the human rights concerns related to the war on drugs.  It is time for them to speak up.  .........................................     Isabel Ebert, Western Europe Researcher & Representative Western Europe has witnessed a significant rise in xenophobia over the last few years.  Many Western European countries such as France, Belgium, Germany and Sweden, have seen far-right movements before and racism and xenophobia have long existed. But now, a new rise of right-wing populist politics has brought repressive governments with it. As most of these countries are predominantly shaped by Christian values, populists have also gained approval through the rise of Islamophobia. Migrants and refugees are therefore frequently subject to suspicious observation and or hostile treatment. Progressive business voices can be a key source to influence public discourse on inclusion and integration.  Business can help fight this prejudice by integrating migrants through employment opportunities and vocational training, so that they can actively participate in society. Wir Zusammen, an initiative integrating refugees into the workforce, founded by German entrepreneur and supported by over 150 companies including McDonalds, Google and the Deutsche Bank, demonstrates the potential for positive corporate action in the face of xenophobia. Alongside the challenge of integrating migrants into the labour market, hate speech in the media, based on race, ethnicity and religion is a major concern in the region. We’ve seen hate speech feed into politics in the upcoming elections in France and Germany, and during Brexit. Corporate involvement in this sweeping trend can range from funding and disseminating hate speech, to standing up for diversity and tolerance. Progressive business voices can be a key source to influence public discourse on inclusion and integration. Companies have started to engage with civil society on the matter and some governments, such as the German one, are stepping up with regulatory measures to hold social media companies to account. The fast moving dynamics of hate speech and xenophobia in social media will require an equally fast adapting response by companies, civil society and governments to mitigate harmful effects. ......................................... Ella Skybenko, Eastern Europe/Central Asia Researcher & Representative  Since 2000 Russian authorities have been reducing public and legal space for civil society institutions, particularly in the case of human rights groups, opposition movements and the media. In 2014 Vladimir Putin, threatened by a revolution in Ukraine, sent a clear message to Russian citizens that any acts of resistance would have serious consequences. This has resulted in a crackdown on civil society in Russia. The success of the crackdown has set a bad example for other countries in the region. Recent examples of governments cracking down on civic space include Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Bosnia. Businesses operating in such countries don’t seem to be concerned with human rights records of authoritarian governments, remaining silent, feigning ignorance or at worst helping authorities in their crackdown. This was the case in Russia when Sergey Nikiforov, an Evenk indigenous community leader opposing a gold mining project, was sentenced to 4 years in prison on allegedly fabricated charges of bribery brought by the engineering company “DalTeploEnergo”. This is just one of many examples. Businesses operating in these countries don’t seem to be concerned with human rights records of authoritarian governments, remaining silent, feigning ignorance or at worst helping authorities in their crackdown.  Development banks don’t seem too concerned about human rights abuses either. The European Investment Bank (EIB) is being criticized for failing to safeguard vulnerable groups in projects outside the EU. Out of the 68 countries covered by its External Lending Mandate, 38 are ranked as authoritarian or hybrid regimes by the Economist Intelligence Unit. For example, the EIB signed a loan agreement of 50 million EUR with the International Bank of Azerbaijan, even though the bank is known as a financial supporter of the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR), whose income helps strengthen the authoritarian state regime. As this dangerous trend proceeds worldwide, it is crucial democratic countries and the UN respond, by supporting a concept of universal human rights through all available means, including the media. Otherwise we run the risk of seeing widespread damage to global developments in human rights. .........................................    Bahaa Ezzelarab, Middle East & North Africa Researcher & Representative Public and political spaces have been shrinking at an alarming rate in Egypt over the last few years. With the arrest of political dissidents, the enactment of legislation that nullifies political expression, the closure of civil society organisations and pending arrest of rights defenders, the private sector needs to realize the specific responsibilities it bears.   Business must not rely on the suppression of voices to assume that their activities do not have negative impacts.  Lack of freedom of expression and association means that communities that suffer from environmental pollution and workers who have serious grievances have lost channels they have traditionally used to express concerns of human rights abuse. Business must not rely on the suppression of these voices to assume that their activities do not have negative impacts. Instead, it should make its position known with regards to this shrinking civil space and take steps to ensure the existence of systems and procedures that channel concerns resulting from business activities.  Businesses in Egypt must also adopt a higher standard of transparency. In a context that lacks mechanisms for freedom of information, this becomes even more pressing. Businesses must provide more information to the public on major projects that they engage in with different state bodies, and not accept the veil of secrecy often cast upon them. Plans surrounding mega coal power projects in Hamrawein exemplify this lack of transparency, where very little is known about whether adequate human rights due diligence or studies on potential social and environmental impacts have been conducted. Similarly, businesses must also provide sufficient information on their supply chains, and must bear the responsibility to respect human rights in different tiers of their supply chains. While the Egyptian government is adopting several policies and incentives to attract foreign investment, the private sector must not abuse this context to escape accountability and abandon its obligations to respect human rights.  .........................................     Joseph Kibugu, Eastern Africa Researcher & Representative A few weeks ago, more than 260,000 Somali refugees staying at the Daadab refugee camp gained reprieve when the High Court prevented the Kenyan government from forcefully repatriating them. The executive had argued that a number of attacks by Al-Shabaab extremists had been planned from within the camp. A government spokesman was quoted saying, "the lives of Kenyans matter. Our interest in this case, and in the closure of Dadaab refugee camp, remains to protect the lives of Kenyans." However, the High Court ruled that "…the government's decision specifically targeting Somali refugees is an act of group persecution, illegal discriminatory and therefore unconstitutional…"  The recent Nairobi Declaration on Durable Solutions for Somali Refugees and Reintegration of Returnees in Somalia, opened a window of opportunity for Kenyan businesses to take proactive measures to support refugee livelihoods while at the same time, promoting their own business interest. Among its appeals, it adopted “a 'whole of society' approach to refugee protection and assistance by enabling…private sector actors to support refugees, especially women, children and the vulnerable”. This would mark the beginning of a full embrace of Somali refugees who have often been viewed with suspicion by many locals.  The private sector ought to leverage its access to political power by encouraging government to respect the acceptable human rights and humanitarian standards in dealing with terrorism, as opposed to nationalistic notions that exclude parts of the population. When Somalia stabilizes, as we are all hoping it will someday, Kenyan businesses ranging from hospitality, construction and banking, stand to benefit. They will very likely rush to participate in post-conflict reconstruction and establish local branches of Nairobi-headquartered companies,  as they have done with expansion into the neighbouring countries like South Sudan. The time to extend friendship to the people of Somalia is now – by taking positive steps and offering them training, internships and job opportunities without exploiting their immigration status and develop a new crop of business leaders who would be uniquely positioned to lead the private sector in Somalia. The private sector ought to leverage its access to political power by encouraging government to respect the acceptable human rights and humanitarian standards in dealing with terrorism, as opposed to nationalistic notions that exclude parts of the population.   It should take a leaf from the German private sector which has taken positive steps to embrace and accommodate migrants from warring countries in the Middle East, in what is increasingly proving to be a smart business move. In the debate about how Kenya treats its refugees especially from Somalia, the private sector has been loudly silent.  This may be a lost opportunity, not only to promote human wellbeing, but also the sector's own interests.

…Desde el pasado 1 de marzo, los más de cien trabajadores de la Empresa BIG Group Salina Colombia, operadora de las minas de sal en la Guajira, optaron por la huelga…ante la negativa de los directivos de esta empresa a negociar el pliego de peticiones presentado por los sindicatos SintraBG Salinas y Sintrasales. Una de las reivindicaciones es que esta empresa vincule en forma directa a trabajadores que cumplen labores complejas al interior de la Salina…[y] el cumplimiento de los acuerdos suscritos entre el Gobierno-Comunidad indigena-Big Group y los trabajadores…A esta protesta legítima, pacífica y legal de obreros le ha sido enviada una amenaza contra varios de sus líderes: Cocho Porras, Carlos Fernández, Carlos Gómez, Robin Ramos, José Márquez, José Ducan, Jari blanco, Ricardo Barliza, Alex Martínez, Amílcar Aldana, Oneida Mejía, Carmen Fonseca…La amenaza es directamente relacionada con la huelga, cuando escriben en el comunicado suscrito por el Bloque Capital DC Zona Norte, que “MUERTE VAN A TENER SI NO SE QUITAN EL PARO DE LA EMPRESA SALINAS BIG GROUP”…

…[A]ccording to a factory audit…G-III Apparel Group, which has held the exclusive license to make the Ivanka Trump brand’s…clothes…since 2012…Inspectors with the Fair Labor Association…found two dozen violations of international labor standards…Trump’s company declined to comment on the factory inspection. Messages left with G-III were not returned. ...Workers at the G-III factory in China were required to work 57 hours a week “on a regular basis” to hit production targets, inspectors found. Though Chinese law sets the limit for overtime at 36 hours per month, workers in all of the factory’s departments exceeded that limit, working up to 82 hours of overtime a month between September 2015 and August 2016. The factory’s workers made between 1,879 and 2,088 yuan a month, or roughly $255 to $283… below minimum wage in some parts of China…Fewer than a third of the factory’s workers were offered legally mandated coverage under China’s “social insurance” benefits…Inspectors also cited the factory…did not train loading workers on safety techniques or provide employees with equipment that could reduce injury… …Fair Labor Association…asked what steps [G-III factory] would take in response. The factory pledged to make some progress to improve training, assess hazards, hire more workers and reduce overtime demands. But it did not commit to increasing worker pay and at times pushed back against recommendations that could improve workplace safety….[mentions Apple, Calvin Klein, Nike & Tommy Hilfiger]

"CEPAL insta a generar nuevos pactos en América Latina y el Caribe para retomar el crecimiento y reducir la desigualdad", 7 de abril 2017 La Secretaria Ejecutiva de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), Alicia Bárcena, instó hoy a los países de la región a generar nuevos pactos políticos y sociales para...combatir la persistente desigualdad social, que describió como “uno de los grandes flagelos de la región, que conspira contra todo”...En el panel titulado Rethinking Market Capitalism (Repensando el capitalismo de mercado), Bárcena indicó que “la igualdad con titularidad de derechos es hacia donde debemos repensar el capitalismo”...La alta representante...debatió con Leonel Fernández, ex Presidente de República Dominicana...Felipe Larraín Bascuñán, Director del Centro Latinoamericano de Políticas Económicas y Sociales de la Universidad Católica de Chile; Daniel Zovatto, Director para América Latina y el Caribe del Instituto Internacional para la Democracia y la Asistencia Electoral, y Mauricio Lazala, Subdirector del Centro de Información sobre Empresas y Derechos Humanos, con la moderación de Carlos E. Cue, periodista del diario El País... América Latina y el Caribe...no ha avanzado lo suficiente en la lucha contra la evasión y la elusión fiscal, señaló...“Mientras no rompamos la cultura de los privilegios, América Latina y el Caribe no podrá caminar hacia una prosperidad compartida”, dijo Bárcena, quien también llamó a incluir dentro del debate económico actual a fenómenos como la migración y el llamado “nacionalismo económico” observado en algunos países desarrollados. Más temprano, durante el panel Responsible Extractives Development for Latin America (Desarrollo responsable de las industrias extractivas en América Latina), la CEPAL y el Foro Económico Mundial hicieron una invitación conjunta a establecer un diálogo regular de alto nivel entre los gobiernos, las empresas del sector extractivo y la sociedad civil de América Latina y el Caribe con el foco puesto en el cumplimiento de los 17 Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) de la Agenda 2030. Una experiencia en este sentido es la Responsible Mineral Development Initiative (RMDI), lanzada en junio de 2010 por el WEF con el objetivo de entender mejor y buscar soluciones a los desafíos y las complejidades del desarrollo minero responsable y sostenible.

As part of our ongoing engagement with the 2017 G20, ICAR, together with the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre (BHRRC) and Friedrich Naumann Stiftung, is hosting Promoting Responsible Business through the G20: Due Diligence and Tackling Modern Slavery.  This event, occurring on the margins of the Business-20 Summit, will bring together key stakeholders (government, business, and civil society) to discuss the importance of due diligence in global supply chains in promoting sustainable economic growth and responsible business conduct.   The workshop will take place on Thursday, May 4 in Berlin. For more details, please click here.  If you or someone you know are interested in attending, please contact me at cindy@icar.ngo. 

Trump, Trade, José Abreu and a Heineken, 27 April 2017 MLB has hidden its greed [regarding Cuban players] behind U.S. policy for years... But the truth about Cuban baseball players’ journeys to MLB stardom has come out, as the truth tends to do sooner or later. The recent trial and conviction of a baseball agent and an athletic trainer for smuggling ballplayers from Cuba has produced testimony sensational for both its glamorous celebrity and its underworld horror... On March 15, a federal jury in Miami convicted two baseball professionals, a players’ agent named Bartolo Hernandez and an athletic trainer named Julio Estrada, of conspiring to smuggle Cuban ballplayers illegally into the United States for private financial gain. The government alleged a scheme of coercing players, falsifying documents, and carrying out illegal border crossings in order to collect large percentages of the contracts that Cuban players eventually signed with MLB clubs... Several MLB players testified at trial, describing a dangerous and expensive path to their baseball careers in the U.S.... In the case against Hernandez and Estrada, the government claimed that the defendants employed agents with a history of violent and coercive human smuggling in order to coerce the ballplayers and ensure that they never met or had the chance to sign with other sports agents. If a defector’s family in Cuba or the U.S. refused to pay the smugglers’ fee, according to the government, smugglers called the family and demanded money as their loved one screamed under torture... The details of the player-smuggling scheme described at trial makes more sense in the context of MLB Official Professional Baseball Rules Book... Although only open trade with Cuba could entirely end the risk currently run by Cuban ballplayers, MLB could remove much of the pressure on Cuban prospects by changing its professional rules.

Cameroun: Lutte acharnée contre la stigmatisation du Vih en entreprise La stigmatisation, le patient [séropositif] Jérôme Atanga dit ne pas en souffrir. Une évolution du comportement en milieu professionnel totalement différente de celle des années 90. A cette époque-là, les personnes vivant avec le sida étaient systématiquement chassées par leur employeur. A en croire le directeur des ressources humaines à la Société sucrière du Cameroun (Sosucam), Thierry Owona, les choses ont tellement évolué au point où même l’employeur ignore le statut sérologique de ses employés. En passant du statut de principal bourreau à celui de pair éducateur, l’employeur accepte désormais le statut de son employé, apprend-on. Le patron veille alors à la non- stigmatisation des employés vivant avec le Vih au sein de son entreprise. [fait aussi référence au Groupement de la filière bois au Cameroun (Gfbc)]

El Gobierno de Perú propone nuevos Estándares de Calidad Ambiental (ECA) para el aire, aumentando los niveles permitidos de contaminación por dióxido de azufre y material particulado, sustancias que causan enfermedades graves en las personas, sobre todo en niños, niñas y adultos mayores...AIDA presentó al Gobierno peruano argumentos que demuestran que la propuesta ignora la evidencia científica sobre los daños que ambos contaminantes provocan, y las obligaciones internacionales que tienen las autoridades de brindar a su población las condiciones necesarias para una vida digna. En este seminario virtual, expertas y expertos en el tema explicarán en detalle las razones por las que ningún país debe permitir una mayor contaminación del aire. Una vez registrado, se te enviará una confirmación automática que incluirá un enlace personalizado para acceder al seminario el día del evento.. Regístrate sin costo en el siguiente enlace: https://attendee.gotowebinar.com/register/6048175252680986115